RESEARCH NOTES
THE MUALANG OF INDONESIAN BORNEO :
NEGLECTED SOURCES FOR IBAN STUDIES
Victor T. King
The University of Hull
I have noted elsewhere that there are very roughly 7,000 people in Western Indonesian Borneo (West Kalimantan), who acknowledge themselves as belonging to the category ' Iban' (1975a: 300) .1 In contrast with the Iban in Sarawak, those in Indonesian Borneo are few in number. This fact, together with their remoteness and the difficulties of undertaking field-work in West Kalimantan, has meant that the Indonesian Iban have received very little attention from anthropologists. In consequence there is a sad lack of basic descriptive material on them.
Certainly some data on Iban are available in Dutch sources, and I have tried in a limited and inadequate way, to use much of this scattered material and my own
superficial observations of them in order to begin to fill this gap in the Iban ethnographic record
(1973a:36-7; 1975a:300-3; 1976a:306-27; 1976b:05-114).
In a number of respects Kalimantan Iban closely resemble their Sarawak cousins. However, they should be an object of study in their own right. They have been, and are, subject to
different experiences vis-a-vis government. Economic opportunities are also generally more limited in ICalimantan than in Sarawak, and this disadvantage, toupled with their distance from the large comrercial centres along the main Kapuas river, causes the Indonesian Iban still to
orient themselves partly to Sarawak for trade and work. Some Iban communities are also found
in a rather different ecological niche in Kalimantan from the classic hill rice ecosystem i the areas in Sarawak in which Iban have been intensively studied. Iban are also very much a minority people in Kalimantan, and this fact has played and may continue to play an important part i
in the irrelations with government and with their close neighbours. Finally, Iban in Kalimantan live in association with culturally and socially closely related peoples who together recognize
West Kalimantan as the area from which they trace their origins and
their most important traditions. In making this last point I am not proposing research
in to the origins of Iban culture and society as such, but rather the broadening of Iban studies
to include those numerous Kalimantan peoples related to and historically significant for the Iban. In other words, I would like to see Iban studied within the context of the wider complex of ' Ibanic' peoples2 of which they are a part. (King 1973b:254-7; 1974:32-3; 1976c:87-99).
I .have already made a plea for the study o Iban proper in West Kalimantan, and it is gratifying to hear that Frank McKeown of Monash University intends to undertake research on the Iban of the Kapuas lakes area. However, the specific purpose of this present research note is to draw
at ention to the importance of other sources of information in Kalimantan for Iban studies in general. Unfortunately, much of the work on Sarawak Iban has devoted very little attention to ethnic groupings in Indonesian Soneo which exhibit marked similarities with Iban. These groupings comprise, among others, the Kantu', Seberuang, Mualang, Desa, and most,
if not all, the river-based groupings' in the Ketungau river and its tributaries (e.g. Tabun, Sigarau, Sekalau, Sekapat, Bagau, Banjur, Sebaru' , Demam, and Maung). This complex may
well include a number of other peoples as well (King 1976c: 86-105).
Michael Dove of Stanford University has recently completed field work among the Kantu' to the west of the Kapuas lakes, and his research will no doubt contribute
substantially to our knowledge of 'Ibanic' peoples. Yet we already have important but neglected sources for another of these 'Ibanic' groupings, the Mualang, in the work of Donatus Dunselman, a Capuchin priest . It has perhaps not been fully realized by some scholars interestedi
in Sarawak Iban that Dunselman has published in Dutch a number of items on the Mualang, which provide valuable comparative research sources f o r 'Ibanists' (1950 : 1-46 ; 1954:52-63; 1955 ; 1953: 166-72; 1959a; 1959b :460-74; 1961:409-37).
At the present time I am attempting to a translate and bring together some of the important
parts of Dunselman's writing. This is in the context of an on going project with
Drs. JB Ave of the Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde in Leiden. We are now engaged in compiling
a bibliography of the main literature on West Kalimantan, and using some of this material
for research into ethnohistory, ethnicrelations, and problems of ethnic classification.
Donatus Dunselman himself recognized the significance of his work for Iban studies when he wrote:
There exist strong cultural relations between these [Mualang] Dayak and the Iban or Batang Lupar of Western Borneo and Sarawak, and like-wise with other groups of the central Kapuas area, particularly the groups of the Kantuk, the Seberuang, and the Desa, and the various groups of the Ketungau basin, i . a . the groups o f the Bugau, the Tabun and the Banyur. Remarkable
similarities are to be observed in their language, in their techniques of weavin plaiting and in
their myths (1955 :279). 3
Dunselman also specifically demonstrates some similarities between his Mualang data and those of the Iban in the writings of Dunn, Perham, Brooke Low, Richards and Nyuak. Subsequently A.A. Cense and E.M. Uhlenbeck, in their linguistic survey of Borneo, also pointed to the importance of Dunselman's work for Iban language studies .
They stated: Closely related to Sea Dayak is Mualang, spoken along the Ayak and Belitang Rivers, right-hand affluents of the Kapuas River, approximatel two hundred miles up-stream from Pontianak. 4
This language has been thoroughly studied by Father Dunselman, who first published some fragments of an extensive s a c r e d chant with a translation, and later
the full text (1958 : 12). Yet despite the obvious value of these sources they have of Sarawak Iban. It has continued t o surprise me how little of the Dutch material finds
its way in to English texts. For example, in relation to my own work on the Maloh of West Kalimantan I have drawn attention to the utility of Dutch sources (1972), which were glossed over by Tom Harrisson in his ethnological notes on the same people (1965). The same 'propoganda' task has to be undertaken for the ' Ibanic' complex as well.
It is perhaps unfair to single out one example of Sarawak scholarship to demonstrate the tendency to neglect Dutch sources. There are many others. Nevert heless, Erik Jensen's recent study of The Iban and their Religion (1974) provides us with a particularly good illustration of the potential comparative value of Dutch writings on the 'Ibanic' complex. Jan Ave's review of Jensen's book pointed especially to its neglect of 'comparable material for other ethnic groups in Borneo' (1977:386). In t h i s connection nowhere did Jensen refer to Dunselman's data on Mualang religion; yet, in my opinion, it has direct relevance to the Iban case. For example, Jensen mentioned certain Iban legendary heroes and a type of Iban oral literature
called kana. He said, at one point, that kan'a is 'the name given to legendary accounts
when these are expressed in rhythmical or semi-poetical forms '(1974: 63). Jensen referred to the most famous Iban hero, Rling (Keling, Klieng), his dwelling place at Panggau, and the
fact that it was there that the ancestors of human Iban eventually divided from 'Kling's group' (pp. 70, 71, 94-5, 103, 116, 204, 206-7).5
Some 20 years before Jensen's work, Dunselman recorded and translated the Mualang epic Kana Sera, which is an allusion to the life-story of Keling 6,
and which contains numerous references to the heroes of Panggau Libau (sometimes called Pauh Sandai or Lengan (g) Lengayan). Dunselman noted that these culture heroes or Buah Kana also appear in the oral literature of the IZantu', Desa, Lebang, Seberuang and many Ketungau groups, especially the Tabun and Banyur (1955 : 8-10). Dunselman's work on Mualang creation myths, and particularly the myth of Puyang Gana, also demonstrates striking similarities
with some of the Iban myths recounted by Jensen.
At this juncture I think it best to summarize briefly the contents of some of Dunselman's work which will serve to illustrate some of the parallels and differences between Mualang and Iban belief . Dunselman's two most important publications are his Kana Sera . Zang der Zwangerschap (1955) with its brief previer (1954), and his Uit der Literatuur der Mualang-jafajks (1959).
The Kana Sera is Dunselman's magnum opus . It contains a wealth of material on the Mualang
spirit world, their material culture, environment, history, relations with other ethnic groupings, and customs associated with such things a s head-hunting, farming, receiving guests and marriage.
The Kana Sera tells the story of a girl, usually called Telit Benang, who has all kinds of adventures, including journeys to the world beneath the water and to the heavens. In essence, it i s an allusion to the life of Keling and his marriage to Kurnang. The Mualang tradition of Keling begins at a place called (Tembawang) Tampun Juah, which is said to have been in the headwaters of the Sai, atributary of the Ketungau, and the Sekayam rivers. There the Mualang were called 'Menua Dayak' or 'Menua Tampun Juah', or sometimes the people of Lembah Buluh. According to Dunselman the Ketungau peoples, including the Iban, reckon their descent from
this place. However, there are also Mualang origin stories which trace descent back even further to Labai (Labi) Lawai 7. apparently an ancient name for the present-day Sukadana (1955 :6). There are also links with Java.
The story goes that at Tampun Juah there lived a man, Balai Gamang (also called Kuma/Kumba), and his wife Tikal Bidang.8 When Tikal Bidang was pregnant,
she dreamt of a garden in Java which contained all sorts of delicious fruit. She asked
her husband to fetch fruit from the garden, which was watched over by a seer called Manang Kedung. Balai Gamang's journey was successful. He returned and when h i s wife had eaten
the fruit she gained strength and gave birth to a son, Reling Nacling.
When he was full-grown, Keling disappeared to a 'place beneath the water where water-nympths live, and was educated by the most famous of these, Pupu' Perua. He then married Rurnang and wandered alone over the heavens until eventually his wife brought him back to
the land of the Buah Kana, of which Panggau forned the centre . ;
Originally the Buah Kana lived together with human Mal'ang and related peoples.
But subsequently divided from them before the Mualang and others left Tampun
Juah 9. These culture heroen disappeared ' to another place, but they could still take on a
visible shape and cam to the aid of human. Dunselman states that the Buah Kana are believed
to belong to this world (dunia) and not t o the heavens (langit), or to
the land of the dead (sebayan). It is also believed that the Buah Kana will eventually return
and the heroic, golden age will be restored.
The Buah Kana live in different longhouses of which Panggau Libau is the most famous. This is the house of Laja (or Kedi), Keling and his half-brother Ijau (also called Lalayang Menang, Bunga Pluing and Jalak). They each have sisters-Dara Lantan Sekumbang is the sister of Laja; Kumang Pantang or Dara Tengah Maua is the sister of Keling; and Pantang Temus Manis Nyamai
(also called Dabung Nyala) is Ijau's sister . Other named inhabitants of Panggau are
Tali Undi (f.) and her brother Tungkai Tangga' Lulai; Parabung Langit (f.) and her brother Gesing Salau Lelang; Dara Imbuk Ma (f.) and her brother Bumbun (also called Manis Mua
and Bujang Pandak Ranggang); Bendung (f.) and her brother Pungga; Indai Abang (or Balun Belunan) (f.) and both her husband, Apai Abang (or Pantau Pejawan) and her younger sister, Dara Tunsan Jawa. Another important house is Gelong (Gelung), where the heroes Pandung (with his sister Bundong) and Remuyan (with his sister Kumang) live. Bundong became the wife of Laja, and Kurnang, the wife of Keling. In his courting of Kumang, Keling meets his greatest
rival Labong, who lives at Ayau.
There is also a connection between the Buah Kana and Java. Pungga', whose father is Tukang Kawah, is the first cousln of Mping Padi, a powerful ruler of Java and Labai Lawai. Labong is
related to Riai Ribai Lawai who is called Ratu Sunan Solo. Chants which deal exclusively with the Buah Kana are called Kana Tangi, and a principle episode in them is the struggle between Keling and Labong f o r t h e hand of Kumang. These chants can be performed on any social
occasion, while the Kana Sera can only be delivered during the marriage
feast and must be given in full. Besides Panggau and Gelong, there are a number of other places nentioned in the Kana.
These are:
1. Menua ujunq (or Ujung Penanggppng Tiang or Ali Nabu) - a place beneath the water where
Meningan Rangkang (or' Iba' Sawa' Elanang) and his sister Dara Perua (or Pupu' Perua) live. The inhabitants of this world are descended from sacred water creatures and can punish humans
for wrong-doing. It is said that the deity of the water is Raja Juata.
2 . Menua Remang - the 'cloudy' heaven, home of the headhunter Ketimbang Kaya/Agung and
his sister Kumang Raminsan (or Munggang/Unggang). It is said Sempendai Lima is the ruler of
the cloudy heaven.
3 . Menua Jelayan Kaya, situated in the heavens proper (Menua Lanqit), the home of Jelayan
Kaya, the pot-maker, and mender of broken things, and his sister Ketingan Kumang or Jawai Pudun.
4. Menua Mananq, also in the heavens, the home of the great seer or shaman Keliung Sengkayan
Burung (also called Manang Mensunai, or Biku Kebayu or Alang Bunsu Manang)10 and his sister Kumang Jampang.
5. Nibunq Pemali, the haunted forest, also situated in the heavens, where spirits dwell
(e. g. antu puqak [the headless spirit], Bera' [spirit of a woman who died in child birth],
Menyungkai [female spirit which lusts after men's genitals]).
6. A border region between heaven and earth where the famous Jali Berani lives, surrounded
by enemies.
7. A border region on the way to heaven, high in the mountains, where Bujang Caing Celawang
(or Ramping Pinggang) dwells, the ruler of the spirits which originate from Anak ajanq
(babies who die under three months old and who are wrapped in a mat and placed
in the branch of a tree).
Dunselman's second major publication uit de Literatuur . . . (1959a) comprises a number of Mualang chants and oral texts. These include origin myths, the myths of Puyang Gana, Bui Nasi (Dasi), Potong Kempat, Keseka' and Burung Benang; chants delivered during the agricultural cycle, which also recount the origin of certain farming practices; chants by young and adult males, dwelling in a forest hut while engaged in hunting,
gathering or head-hunting; chants delivered during the collection of honey from lalau trees;
a praisesong to a Malay ruler; fragments of a lullaby sung by women while
their menfolk are away on a head-hunt; and finally pieces of a chant used on the reception of a
head to the village.
Perhaps it is worth briefly summarizing the origin myths. They contain some characters know
to Iban. The two mythical ancestors a Tarnpun Juah are Ambun Nenurun and Pulcat Menpawan. 11 They gave birth to seven sons and three daughters. The eldest son was Puyang Gana, who was born with only one arm and one leg (cf. Iban Pulang Gana)12 He became the
spirit/deity of the earth, met the ruler of the earth-spirits Raja Suasa, and married the latter's daughter, Dara Merejat. Marajat who was leprous. The second son was Puyang Belawan, the ancestor of the Buah Kana. He begot Gerunung Emas whose daughter was Tikal Bidang, the mother of Keling. The third child was a daughter Dara Genuk; the fourth, a son, Bejit Manai. The latter is reputed to be the ancestor of human Mualang. He gave various customs to the Mualang and together with his sister, Dara Kanta', is associated with the seven principal onen-birds (van Naerssen 1951-2 : 146). The fifth child was a boy, Belang Patung; the sixth, a boy,
Belang Pinggang; the seventh a son, Belang Bau; the eighth, a daughter, Dara Kanta'; the ninth,
a beautiful daughter, Potong Kernpat, who contracted leprosy and who became the wife of Haji Melayu, the ruler of Nanga Sepauk.
These gave various marriage customs to the Mualang. The tenth child was Bui Nasi, a son, who
was the first to learn about rice and himself became a 'rice-spirit'. The genealogy from the fourth child Bejit Manai runs through three or four generations (1950 : 2 ; 1959a: 7) to Gujau/Gojau Temanggung Budi who eventually left Tampun Juah with his followers.13 They moved in
to the Upper Ketungau, followed one of its tributaries, the Mualang, and then settled at the foot of the mowtain Ramat. There they mixed with people from a nearby place called Tanah Tabo' . Eventually migrants moved in to the Aya' and Belitang. the two rivers now populated by Malang.
A second origin story concerns the people of Tanah Tabo'. They are descended from Kaseka' Busung, who married Dara Jantung, the child of Petara Guru. They had a son, Bujang Panjang, and it was this man who I entered into an incestuous union with the youngest sister of
his mother. His maternal grandfather. Petara Guru, had to s a c r i f i c e a p i g t o remove the
ill-luck following on incest. The couple had no issue, and Bujang Panjang remarried and had a son, Guntur. He in turn had a son, Tinting Menjangin, who himself had two sons, Sangi' and Mari', and a daughter Dayang Burung Benang. In one story it is this daughter who married Demong Rui', ruler of the Embaloh Dayaks in the Upper Kapuas. It was from this marriage that
some Plualang inherited ' aristocratic' rank (suka).
An interesting feature of Mualang society is that they have three established ranks: bansa suka (aristocrats), orang meluar/menua (commoners) and bansa melawang (slaves). This relati vely
long-settled, hierarchical 'Ibanic' population in the Kapuas contrasts with their
mobile, pioneering and more egalitarian Iban cousins. In these myths and the
Kana sera there are also references to Sengalang (Tengalang) Burung. Apparently,
in the Mualang language, sengalang means 'gifted with supernatural powers',
but unlike the Iban case, Sengalang Burung is a collective term forthe seven principal omen birds.14
I have been unable to discover the names of a l l seven birds from Dunselman's writings,
but those which do appear accord closely with Iban onen birds. They are ketupong/ketupunq,
beragai/baragai, gamuas, papua and bejarnpung. The kenyalang, Or Rhinoceros Hornbill,
as with Iban, is not considered to be one of the seven omen birds. It i s designated
as dernia, usually a general term for animal tutelary spirits. Telanjing
is a term given to animal spirits which protect head-hunters and shamans inparticular.
A title of the tutelary spirits of 'things' rather than animals in sengiang.
Dunselman tells us that the kenyalang is the 'focus' of an important festival (gawai). A wooden figure representing the head of a horn bill is placed on a large ironwood pole (kenyawir
ucung or teras) after a successful head-hunt.
Dunselman's other publications comprise a paper on Mualang marriage customs (1950), two further particles on Mualang marriage chants (1959b; 1961), and one on 'Mualang
titles' which includes praise-names (e.g. Singa, Macan, Lang Laut) and terms for
official positions (1958). Of these, the paper on marriage practices,
and one of the pieces on marriage chants called ngebau tajau are the most interesting.
I will briefly summarize these. The description of Mualang marriage includes sections on the phases of marriage beginning with the asking for a female's hand (betunang) through
the official engagement (berpintak) to the marriage proper. It mentions the gifts exchanged between the two parties to the marriage, and the fines associated with incest, divorce, separation, marriage without the proper procedures etc. Finally, the origins of certain customs
relating to marriage are traced back to Potong Kempat, Haji Melayu, Bujang Panjang, Bui
Nasi and Bejit Planai. The ngebau tajau, the subject of the second paper, is held before the main Kana Sera and is a chant performed during as a crificial offering presented to a sacred jar.
The chant is divided into a number of sections, as follows :
1. tempa': this includes an account of the formation of the earth by the 'creation bird' , and the creation of man and animals.
2. leman penduduk: it tells of the first inhabitants or founders of the principal places in West Kalimantan ranging from Java which is said to lie 'opposite the Kapuas estuary', through Pontianak, Landak, Sanggau, Sekadau, Sintang, Selimbau, Embaloh-Leboyan to the' Sekarang' and 'Kenyawit'.
3 . leman basa: this section gives the origins of custom law stemming from such figures as Puyang Gana, and from spirits and ghosts.
4. leman Pati: this enumerates the earlier Malay pati or rulers of the are a from Sintang downstream through Belitang, Sepauk. Sekadau, Sanggau to Pontianak. These are followed by a
list of Dayak r u l e r s of the Mualang, Tabun, Banyur, Tanjung, Desa and Bui. 15
5. angkat: (lit. 'the rising'). Here the chanter rises and visits all the apartments (bilik) of the longhouse.
6. pansan: (lit. 'the passing by'). He recounts all important places in the environs of the longhouse.
7. leman peta: this sets out the various prohibitions to be observed at a feast.
8. bangkai: here words are addressed to the chicken which is to be sacrificed.
9. nginjau jari: (lit. 'the borrowing of hands') asking for the spiritual as sistance of former great head-hunters (tua') and the Buah Kana.
10. leman pelelat: here the chanter calls for all kinds of favours, e. g. the fruitfulness of the earth, crops. etc.
11. mimpi: the bad dreams of the bride and groom are exorcized.
12. ayu: the chanter asks for his soul and that of the married couple to be strengthened.
These then are the main items which Dunselman has published on the Elualang and which, I maintain, should receive more attention from students of the Iban. For too long the political boundary between Malaysian and Indonesian Borneo, but more particularly the fact that much
of the Kalimantan material is in Dutch, has discouraged scholars who have worked among peoples in the northern third of the island from using data from the south, and from viewing Borneo as a whole. Admittedly there are vast gaps in Kalimantan ethnography since very
little recent anthropological fieldwork has been undertaken there. However, this should not lead us to neglect what material is available on Kalimantan peoples.
I hope t h is brief paper has illustrated that some data in Dutch is of value provided English-speaking scholars are prepared to widen their horizons and make use of it. The fact that many of the peoples in Sarawak, and indeed Sabah, have close relatives to the south of the border should, I hope, lead to a greater emphasis on Kalimantan studies in future.
NOTES
1. My original estimates of 10,000-11,000 now seem mduly high (1974: 32 ; 1975b : 1241).
2. See A.B. Hudson (1371:304, 306) for the term 'Ibanic', although it must be mentioned that from the point of view of historical precedent and indigenous ethnic identification the term
'Ibanic' may well meet with certain objections.
3. See also Cnthoven (1903: 397), Bournan (1923-24: I 285-9; 1924: 184-9) and van Naerssen (1951-52: 145)
4. In the 1950s Kualang numbered about 8,000 souls. Nany had come under Catholic influence. See also Dunselman (1351a: 22-31 ; 1951b : 71-5).
5. References to Kling and h i s group (which includes Kurnang, Lulong, Laja, Pungga, Dara Lantan Sakumbang, etc.) crop up i n a number of publications on Sarawak Iban oral tradition. See, for example, Harrisson (1965 : 25) , Harrisson and Sandin (1966:64, 74, 86-7, 118, 138, 151-2, 181-2, 205, 218, 226-8, 239-40, 262) and Sandin (1967:245, 257-8, 264-5, 267-8, 373, 383, 392-3, 395; 1977:35-6, 147, 186-8). More especially see Perham and Brooke Law in Ling Roth (1965: 311-38) , and Dunn (1912: 135-54, 634-48; 1913:22-39 ; 1914 :494-528, 373-913; 1915-16: 332-57, 817-43).
6. This is Dunselman's transcription.
7. 'Lawai' is said to be an old name for the Kapuas river. Occasionally their home is placed in the neighbourhood of Semitau. In Tampun Juah Mualang learned their customs, laws and rituals and the appropriate offerings to Petara. Puyang Gana, Sengalang Burung, and other deities and spirits. It is said that the souls of dead shamans go to Rabung, a mountain in the upper Yetungau. Ordinary men ' s souls , however, eventually dissolve into dew and are absorbed by
the ears of rice (Jestenenk 1897 : 310). The creator was Petara (Batara) Guru, who made man from a kumpang tree. See Bouman (1923-4:285-9) on the myths of Pulang/Puyang/Piang Gana and Bui Nasi collected from the Desa, Seberuang, Sekubang, and Sekajanm peoples in the Sepauk river to the south of the Mualang. Also see Heynen (1937:24-8) for similar myths from the Ketungau. There is also a story of the division of peoples at Tampun Juah after the eating of mushrooms. The mushrooms induced a drunken stupour and when everyone woke up they found that they spoke different languages (cf. Iban). Kuhr talks of Hindu-Javanese-derived dei ties among the West Borneo Dayaks (1896:226-8). These include Petara (Batara), Duwata/ Jubata/Lebata/Rebata (Dewata) and Sengiang (Sang Yang). In the Kana Sera there are also references to the enemies of the Mualang. The Bui are said to be related to the Iban, and to live on a tributary of the Batang Lupar. Other enemies are the Desa (near Sintang), Remm (along the Sekayam river), Bugau (the Ke tungau), I.lentakai/Entakai (north-east of Sanggau) and the Iban. Alliances were also made with the Ketungau peoples against the Iban. Mualang had Embaloh and Pman slaves as well, captured in raidsn.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ave. J . B 1977 Revier of The Iban and their Religion, by Erik Jensen, Bijdragen tot de Taal- , Landen Volkenkunde 133: 382-6.
Bouman, M.A. 1923-24 Een Dajaksch Scheppingsverhaal, Mederlandsch-Indie Oud en Nieuw 8:285-9.
______ 1924 Ethnografische Aanteekeningen omtrent de Gouvernements landen in de boven-Kapoeas , Westerafdeeling van Eorneo, ~ Tijdschri ft voor Indische Taal- , Land-en Volkenkunde 64: 173: 95.
Cense, A.A. and E.M. Uhlenbeck 1958 Critical Survey of Studies on the Languages of Borneo, koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde, Bibliographical Series 2, The Hague, Plartinus Nijhoff.
Dunn, E.1912/1913/1914/1915-16 The Mengap Bungai Taun, the 'Chant of the Flowers of the Year'. Anthro os 7:135-54; 634-48; 8:22-39; 9:494-ms+ si tam) .
7. Problems. First, with respect to the name mukah, of
the town and river of coastal Third Division, Sarawak,
there is at least one published explication of that name.
The author claims that some sailors followed the face (muka)
of a beautiful woman in the sky to the shore; and that
"Over the years the spelling has changed to Mukah" (Shamsuddin
1967:8). Archer, however, claims that the pronunciation
is mukah, rather than muka (1949:100), and is corroborated
by Druce who would have to be considered an authorit
on this point, as a native speaker of Malanaw (1949:103).
While Richards may be right that these are " . . . obvious
meanings that are evidently false (~ukah, fornication or
Muka, face) probably from being interpreted in the wrong
language" (1978:26), such cannot be assumed a rlorl, but
needs to be established ethnographically, ana b u r c e
language determtned if possible. Assessing the ethnographic
validity of mukah could prove to be a sensitive
matter.
Second, with respect to unexplained or undiscovered names.
the toponymist is in a special kind of predicament. If
the informant or informants one asks about a place name
cannot explicate it or do not know it at all, to whom does
one turn? Unlike many other kinds of social and cultural
information, particular toponymic data may not be widely
shared by members of a social group. It seems that some in a strange landscape.
There is no way to disprove the contention that a landscape
feature is unnamed other than to discover a place'name for
it. One is more likely to succeed in more densely populated
areas where larger numbers of individuals routinely have
opportunities and needs to refer to places in the environment
by use of a terminological label. Thus collecting
place names in sparsely populated or unpopulated areas will
often prove a difficult task, However, it seems somewhat
rash to conclude that a place has no name, unless it is only
meant that one is unable to discover it. There is no way to
distinguish between a place that 2s unnamed and a place for
which one is unable to discover the name. Unless one is
able to discover a name, no conclusion can be reached that
a place is either unnamed or named. This conclusion is
valid because of the following two possibilities. First, a
name may be known, but the cultural tradition attaching it
to a particular location in the environment may have become
lost. This situation would appear to pertain in the case of
Ptolemaic place names for Southeast Asian geographical features
(cf. Wheatley 1961:138-176). Second, both the name
and the cultural tradition locating the place it applied to
may have become lost. One would expect that this is the case
with large numbers of perfectly ordinary Sru place names
(cf. Harrisson 1949).
These points are raised because of the experience of this
writer trying to collect place names in Brunei. Both Kadayan
and Lun Bawang (in Brunei Malay, 'Murut') informants maintained
that names were widely applied to locations in the
environment. For example along one stretch of the Labu river
about 1 314 miles, or 3 kilometers, long near a village, 55
toponyms and 43 place names were recorded including synonymous
forms. (The difference made here between a toponym and
a place name is the :allowing. In cases of forms like b u k i t
t a p a l l a n , 'Hive Hill, and sugay t a p a g a n , 'Hive River,' two
toponyms are counted, but only one place name - t a p a g a n ;
Maxwell 1977.) Numerous individuals often commented that
indeed there were many names of local places. Of course
there were spots which were unnamed, but as indicated earlier
it would be difficult to determine the difference between one
or more informants not being aware of an already existing
name for a location versus there being no existing name for
that location.
8. Things-May-Be-Other-Than-They-Seem. The lesson of
Richards' embuas example probably cannot be overstated. In
the headwaters of the Labu River there is a river, a hill.
and a pool all sharing a single place n'ame: sugay sarumah,
b u k i t sarumah, and luaqan sarumah, ~&le superficially
sarumah might look like 'one house' (ignoring that such a
form properly should take a grammatical classifier, e:g.,
sabuah rumah), such is not the case. The name is derlved
locally from the presence of a large number of trees of the
variety referred to as kayu sarumah or kayu sarumahsarumah.
Comparing informant description of this tree with that of
Burkill, this is likely the latter's Fa raea i antea (1966
s .v. ) . This and Richard's example il&e%kT&iger of
facile conclusions about place names. In addition, the forr
sarumah is not morphosemantically decomposable, being a
unitary simple lexeme (cf. 6., above).
Place names inscribe cultural and social information onto
the landscape (Geertz 1973). These 'inscriptions' however
are not static. They undergo phonological, morphological,
lexical and semantic remodeling as the cultures and languagc
of the inhabitants of the area change. Place names can be
helpful in disambiguating the complex overlapping of lingui.
stic and social variables in the cultural 'prehistory' of a1
area. Further they constitute an excellent source of data
to be utilized in ascertaining and delimiting the complex oj
meaning relations which are important in the everyday life (
human beings in a region. While I disagree with Richards 01
several points, his interest in bringing the importance of
place names in understanding human settings in Borneo to om
attention is commendable.
(Note: Research in Brunei was supported by National Institute
of Health Grant 1 TOL MK 11,231-01, and Wenner-Gren
Foundation for Anthropological Research Pre-Doctoral Fellowship
No. 2173, and locally by the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka,
Brunei. )
B i b l i o g r a p h y : Archer, J.B.. 1949. "Melanau as it is spoken
(a review) . Sarawak Museum Journai 5 : 1 (n . s . ) : 98-102 ; ~urkil
I.H., 1966, 4 Dietio-f the Zconomic Products of the Ma1
Peninsula, 2,vols., 2nd edition, Kuala Lumpur, Ministry of
Agriculture and Cooperatives; COD, 1966, The Concise Oxford
Dictionary of Current English, ed. by H.W. Fowler and F.G.
Fowler. Fifth edition revised by E. McIntosh. Oxford,
Clarendon Press; Druce, Austin, 1949, "A Malanau comment on
the Above!' LJ.B. Archer, "Melanau as it is spoken (a review1 1973, he Interpretation of Culture, pp. 3-30, New York,
Basic Books, Inc.; Harrisson. Tom. 1949. "The Srus and Four
Stone ~igures from Sarawak," . ~ulletin ok the Raffles Museum,
Series B. No. 4, pp. 117-122; Hasan bin Pulcul and P.S. Ashton, 1
n.d., A Checklist of Brunei Trees, Brunei; Maxwell, Allen R.,
1977, "~adayan (ethno) toponymy as ethnohistory," Paper 1
presented at the 76th Annual Meeting of the American Anthro- +
pological Association, Houston; Richards, A.J.N.. 1978, "A I
Note-on Borneo Place Names, " ~orneo ~esearch ~ulletin 10.1 :
24-27; Sahlins, Marshall, 1976, Culture and Practical Reason,
Chicago, The University of Chicago Press; Shamsuddin, A.K.
1967, "Mukah." in Anon.. How Thev Were Named. Kuchine. I
~orneo~ iteriture~ ureau.U P. 1 - 6.. Wheatlev. '~aul.1 361. I
The Golden Khersonese, ~tuhies in-the ~istorical Geography of
The Malay Peninsula betore A,D. 1500, Kuala Lumpur. University
of Malava Press: Wolters., O-~. W. 19~b,/ . Earlv I~n- donesian Commerce. ~
~thaca,'~.,~ .co rnell University Press. '
THE MUALANG OF INDONESIAN BORNEO :
NEGLECTED SOURCES FOR IBAN STUDIES
Victor T. King
The University of Hull
I have noted elsewhere that there are very roughly 7,000 people in Western Indonesian Borneo (West Kalimantan), who acknowledge themselves as belonging to the category ' Iban' (1975a: 300) .1 In contrast with the Iban in Sarawak, those in Indonesian Borneo are few in number. This fact, together with their remoteness and the difficulties of undertaking field-work in West Kalimantan, has meant that the Indonesian Iban have received very little attention from anthropologists. In consequence there is a sad lack of basic descriptive material on them.
Certainly some data on Iban are available in Dutch sources, and I have tried in a limited and inadequate way, to use much of this scattered material and my own
superficial observations of them in order to begin to fill this gap in the Iban ethnographic record
(1973a:36-7; 1975a:300-3; 1976a:306-27; 1976b:05-114).
In a number of respects Kalimantan Iban closely resemble their Sarawak cousins. However, they should be an object of study in their own right. They have been, and are, subject to
different experiences vis-a-vis government. Economic opportunities are also generally more limited in ICalimantan than in Sarawak, and this disadvantage, toupled with their distance from the large comrercial centres along the main Kapuas river, causes the Indonesian Iban still to
orient themselves partly to Sarawak for trade and work. Some Iban communities are also found
in a rather different ecological niche in Kalimantan from the classic hill rice ecosystem i the areas in Sarawak in which Iban have been intensively studied. Iban are also very much a minority people in Kalimantan, and this fact has played and may continue to play an important part i
in the irrelations with government and with their close neighbours. Finally, Iban in Kalimantan live in association with culturally and socially closely related peoples who together recognize
West Kalimantan as the area from which they trace their origins and
their most important traditions. In making this last point I am not proposing research
in to the origins of Iban culture and society as such, but rather the broadening of Iban studies
to include those numerous Kalimantan peoples related to and historically significant for the Iban. In other words, I would like to see Iban studied within the context of the wider complex of ' Ibanic' peoples2 of which they are a part. (King 1973b:254-7; 1974:32-3; 1976c:87-99).
I .have already made a plea for the study o Iban proper in West Kalimantan, and it is gratifying to hear that Frank McKeown of Monash University intends to undertake research on the Iban of the Kapuas lakes area. However, the specific purpose of this present research note is to draw
at ention to the importance of other sources of information in Kalimantan for Iban studies in general. Unfortunately, much of the work on Sarawak Iban has devoted very little attention to ethnic groupings in Indonesian Soneo which exhibit marked similarities with Iban. These groupings comprise, among others, the Kantu', Seberuang, Mualang, Desa, and most,
if not all, the river-based groupings' in the Ketungau river and its tributaries (e.g. Tabun, Sigarau, Sekalau, Sekapat, Bagau, Banjur, Sebaru' , Demam, and Maung). This complex may
well include a number of other peoples as well (King 1976c: 86-105).
Michael Dove of Stanford University has recently completed field work among the Kantu' to the west of the Kapuas lakes, and his research will no doubt contribute
substantially to our knowledge of 'Ibanic' peoples. Yet we already have important but neglected sources for another of these 'Ibanic' groupings, the Mualang, in the work of Donatus Dunselman, a Capuchin priest . It has perhaps not been fully realized by some scholars interestedi
in Sarawak Iban that Dunselman has published in Dutch a number of items on the Mualang, which provide valuable comparative research sources f o r 'Ibanists' (1950 : 1-46 ; 1954:52-63; 1955 ; 1953: 166-72; 1959a; 1959b :460-74; 1961:409-37).
At the present time I am attempting to a translate and bring together some of the important
parts of Dunselman's writing. This is in the context of an on going project with
Drs. JB Ave of the Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde in Leiden. We are now engaged in compiling
a bibliography of the main literature on West Kalimantan, and using some of this material
for research into ethnohistory, ethnicrelations, and problems of ethnic classification.
Donatus Dunselman himself recognized the significance of his work for Iban studies when he wrote:
There exist strong cultural relations between these [Mualang] Dayak and the Iban or Batang Lupar of Western Borneo and Sarawak, and like-wise with other groups of the central Kapuas area, particularly the groups of the Kantuk, the Seberuang, and the Desa, and the various groups of the Ketungau basin, i . a . the groups o f the Bugau, the Tabun and the Banyur. Remarkable
similarities are to be observed in their language, in their techniques of weavin plaiting and in
their myths (1955 :279). 3
Dunselman also specifically demonstrates some similarities between his Mualang data and those of the Iban in the writings of Dunn, Perham, Brooke Low, Richards and Nyuak. Subsequently A.A. Cense and E.M. Uhlenbeck, in their linguistic survey of Borneo, also pointed to the importance of Dunselman's work for Iban language studies .
They stated: Closely related to Sea Dayak is Mualang, spoken along the Ayak and Belitang Rivers, right-hand affluents of the Kapuas River, approximatel two hundred miles up-stream from Pontianak. 4
This language has been thoroughly studied by Father Dunselman, who first published some fragments of an extensive s a c r e d chant with a translation, and later
the full text (1958 : 12). Yet despite the obvious value of these sources they have of Sarawak Iban. It has continued t o surprise me how little of the Dutch material finds
its way in to English texts. For example, in relation to my own work on the Maloh of West Kalimantan I have drawn attention to the utility of Dutch sources (1972), which were glossed over by Tom Harrisson in his ethnological notes on the same people (1965). The same 'propoganda' task has to be undertaken for the ' Ibanic' complex as well.
It is perhaps unfair to single out one example of Sarawak scholarship to demonstrate the tendency to neglect Dutch sources. There are many others. Nevert heless, Erik Jensen's recent study of The Iban and their Religion (1974) provides us with a particularly good illustration of the potential comparative value of Dutch writings on the 'Ibanic' complex. Jan Ave's review of Jensen's book pointed especially to its neglect of 'comparable material for other ethnic groups in Borneo' (1977:386). In t h i s connection nowhere did Jensen refer to Dunselman's data on Mualang religion; yet, in my opinion, it has direct relevance to the Iban case. For example, Jensen mentioned certain Iban legendary heroes and a type of Iban oral literature
called kana. He said, at one point, that kan'a is 'the name given to legendary accounts
when these are expressed in rhythmical or semi-poetical forms '(1974: 63). Jensen referred to the most famous Iban hero, Rling (Keling, Klieng), his dwelling place at Panggau, and the
fact that it was there that the ancestors of human Iban eventually divided from 'Kling's group' (pp. 70, 71, 94-5, 103, 116, 204, 206-7).5
Some 20 years before Jensen's work, Dunselman recorded and translated the Mualang epic Kana Sera, which is an allusion to the life-story of Keling 6,
and which contains numerous references to the heroes of Panggau Libau (sometimes called Pauh Sandai or Lengan (g) Lengayan). Dunselman noted that these culture heroes or Buah Kana also appear in the oral literature of the IZantu', Desa, Lebang, Seberuang and many Ketungau groups, especially the Tabun and Banyur (1955 : 8-10). Dunselman's work on Mualang creation myths, and particularly the myth of Puyang Gana, also demonstrates striking similarities
with some of the Iban myths recounted by Jensen.
At this juncture I think it best to summarize briefly the contents of some of Dunselman's work which will serve to illustrate some of the parallels and differences between Mualang and Iban belief . Dunselman's two most important publications are his Kana Sera . Zang der Zwangerschap (1955) with its brief previer (1954), and his Uit der Literatuur der Mualang-jafajks (1959).
The Kana Sera is Dunselman's magnum opus . It contains a wealth of material on the Mualang
spirit world, their material culture, environment, history, relations with other ethnic groupings, and customs associated with such things a s head-hunting, farming, receiving guests and marriage.
The Kana Sera tells the story of a girl, usually called Telit Benang, who has all kinds of adventures, including journeys to the world beneath the water and to the heavens. In essence, it i s an allusion to the life of Keling and his marriage to Kurnang. The Mualang tradition of Keling begins at a place called (Tembawang) Tampun Juah, which is said to have been in the headwaters of the Sai, atributary of the Ketungau, and the Sekayam rivers. There the Mualang were called 'Menua Dayak' or 'Menua Tampun Juah', or sometimes the people of Lembah Buluh. According to Dunselman the Ketungau peoples, including the Iban, reckon their descent from
this place. However, there are also Mualang origin stories which trace descent back even further to Labai (Labi) Lawai 7. apparently an ancient name for the present-day Sukadana (1955 :6). There are also links with Java.
The story goes that at Tampun Juah there lived a man, Balai Gamang (also called Kuma/Kumba), and his wife Tikal Bidang.8 When Tikal Bidang was pregnant,
she dreamt of a garden in Java which contained all sorts of delicious fruit. She asked
her husband to fetch fruit from the garden, which was watched over by a seer called Manang Kedung. Balai Gamang's journey was successful. He returned and when h i s wife had eaten
the fruit she gained strength and gave birth to a son, Reling Nacling.
When he was full-grown, Keling disappeared to a 'place beneath the water where water-nympths live, and was educated by the most famous of these, Pupu' Perua. He then married Rurnang and wandered alone over the heavens until eventually his wife brought him back to
the land of the Buah Kana, of which Panggau forned the centre . ;
Originally the Buah Kana lived together with human Mal'ang and related peoples.
But subsequently divided from them before the Mualang and others left Tampun
Juah 9. These culture heroen disappeared ' to another place, but they could still take on a
visible shape and cam to the aid of human. Dunselman states that the Buah Kana are believed
to belong to this world (dunia) and not t o the heavens (langit), or to
the land of the dead (sebayan). It is also believed that the Buah Kana will eventually return
and the heroic, golden age will be restored.
The Buah Kana live in different longhouses of which Panggau Libau is the most famous. This is the house of Laja (or Kedi), Keling and his half-brother Ijau (also called Lalayang Menang, Bunga Pluing and Jalak). They each have sisters-Dara Lantan Sekumbang is the sister of Laja; Kumang Pantang or Dara Tengah Maua is the sister of Keling; and Pantang Temus Manis Nyamai
(also called Dabung Nyala) is Ijau's sister . Other named inhabitants of Panggau are
Tali Undi (f.) and her brother Tungkai Tangga' Lulai; Parabung Langit (f.) and her brother Gesing Salau Lelang; Dara Imbuk Ma (f.) and her brother Bumbun (also called Manis Mua
and Bujang Pandak Ranggang); Bendung (f.) and her brother Pungga; Indai Abang (or Balun Belunan) (f.) and both her husband, Apai Abang (or Pantau Pejawan) and her younger sister, Dara Tunsan Jawa. Another important house is Gelong (Gelung), where the heroes Pandung (with his sister Bundong) and Remuyan (with his sister Kumang) live. Bundong became the wife of Laja, and Kurnang, the wife of Keling. In his courting of Kumang, Keling meets his greatest
rival Labong, who lives at Ayau.
There is also a connection between the Buah Kana and Java. Pungga', whose father is Tukang Kawah, is the first cousln of Mping Padi, a powerful ruler of Java and Labai Lawai. Labong is
related to Riai Ribai Lawai who is called Ratu Sunan Solo. Chants which deal exclusively with the Buah Kana are called Kana Tangi, and a principle episode in them is the struggle between Keling and Labong f o r t h e hand of Kumang. These chants can be performed on any social
occasion, while the Kana Sera can only be delivered during the marriage
feast and must be given in full. Besides Panggau and Gelong, there are a number of other places nentioned in the Kana.
These are:
1. Menua ujunq (or Ujung Penanggppng Tiang or Ali Nabu) - a place beneath the water where
Meningan Rangkang (or' Iba' Sawa' Elanang) and his sister Dara Perua (or Pupu' Perua) live. The inhabitants of this world are descended from sacred water creatures and can punish humans
for wrong-doing. It is said that the deity of the water is Raja Juata.
2 . Menua Remang - the 'cloudy' heaven, home of the headhunter Ketimbang Kaya/Agung and
his sister Kumang Raminsan (or Munggang/Unggang). It is said Sempendai Lima is the ruler of
the cloudy heaven.
3 . Menua Jelayan Kaya, situated in the heavens proper (Menua Lanqit), the home of Jelayan
Kaya, the pot-maker, and mender of broken things, and his sister Ketingan Kumang or Jawai Pudun.
4. Menua Mananq, also in the heavens, the home of the great seer or shaman Keliung Sengkayan
Burung (also called Manang Mensunai, or Biku Kebayu or Alang Bunsu Manang)10 and his sister Kumang Jampang.
5. Nibunq Pemali, the haunted forest, also situated in the heavens, where spirits dwell
(e. g. antu puqak [the headless spirit], Bera' [spirit of a woman who died in child birth],
Menyungkai [female spirit which lusts after men's genitals]).
6. A border region between heaven and earth where the famous Jali Berani lives, surrounded
by enemies.
7. A border region on the way to heaven, high in the mountains, where Bujang Caing Celawang
(or Ramping Pinggang) dwells, the ruler of the spirits which originate from Anak ajanq
(babies who die under three months old and who are wrapped in a mat and placed
in the branch of a tree).
Dunselman's second major publication uit de Literatuur . . . (1959a) comprises a number of Mualang chants and oral texts. These include origin myths, the myths of Puyang Gana, Bui Nasi (Dasi), Potong Kempat, Keseka' and Burung Benang; chants delivered during the agricultural cycle, which also recount the origin of certain farming practices; chants by young and adult males, dwelling in a forest hut while engaged in hunting,
gathering or head-hunting; chants delivered during the collection of honey from lalau trees;
a praisesong to a Malay ruler; fragments of a lullaby sung by women while
their menfolk are away on a head-hunt; and finally pieces of a chant used on the reception of a
head to the village.
Perhaps it is worth briefly summarizing the origin myths. They contain some characters know
to Iban. The two mythical ancestors a Tarnpun Juah are Ambun Nenurun and Pulcat Menpawan. 11 They gave birth to seven sons and three daughters. The eldest son was Puyang Gana, who was born with only one arm and one leg (cf. Iban Pulang Gana)12 He became the
spirit/deity of the earth, met the ruler of the earth-spirits Raja Suasa, and married the latter's daughter, Dara Merejat. Marajat who was leprous. The second son was Puyang Belawan, the ancestor of the Buah Kana. He begot Gerunung Emas whose daughter was Tikal Bidang, the mother of Keling. The third child was a daughter Dara Genuk; the fourth, a son, Bejit Manai. The latter is reputed to be the ancestor of human Mualang. He gave various customs to the Mualang and together with his sister, Dara Kanta', is associated with the seven principal onen-birds (van Naerssen 1951-2 : 146). The fifth child was a boy, Belang Patung; the sixth, a boy,
Belang Pinggang; the seventh a son, Belang Bau; the eighth, a daughter, Dara Kanta'; the ninth,
a beautiful daughter, Potong Kernpat, who contracted leprosy and who became the wife of Haji Melayu, the ruler of Nanga Sepauk.
These gave various marriage customs to the Mualang. The tenth child was Bui Nasi, a son, who
was the first to learn about rice and himself became a 'rice-spirit'. The genealogy from the fourth child Bejit Manai runs through three or four generations (1950 : 2 ; 1959a: 7) to Gujau/Gojau Temanggung Budi who eventually left Tampun Juah with his followers.13 They moved in
to the Upper Ketungau, followed one of its tributaries, the Mualang, and then settled at the foot of the mowtain Ramat. There they mixed with people from a nearby place called Tanah Tabo' . Eventually migrants moved in to the Aya' and Belitang. the two rivers now populated by Malang.
A second origin story concerns the people of Tanah Tabo'. They are descended from Kaseka' Busung, who married Dara Jantung, the child of Petara Guru. They had a son, Bujang Panjang, and it was this man who I entered into an incestuous union with the youngest sister of
his mother. His maternal grandfather. Petara Guru, had to s a c r i f i c e a p i g t o remove the
ill-luck following on incest. The couple had no issue, and Bujang Panjang remarried and had a son, Guntur. He in turn had a son, Tinting Menjangin, who himself had two sons, Sangi' and Mari', and a daughter Dayang Burung Benang. In one story it is this daughter who married Demong Rui', ruler of the Embaloh Dayaks in the Upper Kapuas. It was from this marriage that
some Plualang inherited ' aristocratic' rank (suka).
An interesting feature of Mualang society is that they have three established ranks: bansa suka (aristocrats), orang meluar/menua (commoners) and bansa melawang (slaves). This relati vely
long-settled, hierarchical 'Ibanic' population in the Kapuas contrasts with their
mobile, pioneering and more egalitarian Iban cousins. In these myths and the
Kana sera there are also references to Sengalang (Tengalang) Burung. Apparently,
in the Mualang language, sengalang means 'gifted with supernatural powers',
but unlike the Iban case, Sengalang Burung is a collective term forthe seven principal omen birds.14
I have been unable to discover the names of a l l seven birds from Dunselman's writings,
but those which do appear accord closely with Iban onen birds. They are ketupong/ketupunq,
beragai/baragai, gamuas, papua and bejarnpung. The kenyalang, Or Rhinoceros Hornbill,
as with Iban, is not considered to be one of the seven omen birds. It i s designated
as dernia, usually a general term for animal tutelary spirits. Telanjing
is a term given to animal spirits which protect head-hunters and shamans inparticular.
A title of the tutelary spirits of 'things' rather than animals in sengiang.
Dunselman tells us that the kenyalang is the 'focus' of an important festival (gawai). A wooden figure representing the head of a horn bill is placed on a large ironwood pole (kenyawir
ucung or teras) after a successful head-hunt.
Dunselman's other publications comprise a paper on Mualang marriage customs (1950), two further particles on Mualang marriage chants (1959b; 1961), and one on 'Mualang
titles' which includes praise-names (e.g. Singa, Macan, Lang Laut) and terms for
official positions (1958). Of these, the paper on marriage practices,
and one of the pieces on marriage chants called ngebau tajau are the most interesting.
I will briefly summarize these. The description of Mualang marriage includes sections on the phases of marriage beginning with the asking for a female's hand (betunang) through
the official engagement (berpintak) to the marriage proper. It mentions the gifts exchanged between the two parties to the marriage, and the fines associated with incest, divorce, separation, marriage without the proper procedures etc. Finally, the origins of certain customs
relating to marriage are traced back to Potong Kempat, Haji Melayu, Bujang Panjang, Bui
Nasi and Bejit Planai. The ngebau tajau, the subject of the second paper, is held before the main Kana Sera and is a chant performed during as a crificial offering presented to a sacred jar.
The chant is divided into a number of sections, as follows :
1. tempa': this includes an account of the formation of the earth by the 'creation bird' , and the creation of man and animals.
2. leman penduduk: it tells of the first inhabitants or founders of the principal places in West Kalimantan ranging from Java which is said to lie 'opposite the Kapuas estuary', through Pontianak, Landak, Sanggau, Sekadau, Sintang, Selimbau, Embaloh-Leboyan to the' Sekarang' and 'Kenyawit'.
3 . leman basa: this section gives the origins of custom law stemming from such figures as Puyang Gana, and from spirits and ghosts.
4. leman Pati: this enumerates the earlier Malay pati or rulers of the are a from Sintang downstream through Belitang, Sepauk. Sekadau, Sanggau to Pontianak. These are followed by a
list of Dayak r u l e r s of the Mualang, Tabun, Banyur, Tanjung, Desa and Bui. 15
5. angkat: (lit. 'the rising'). Here the chanter rises and visits all the apartments (bilik) of the longhouse.
6. pansan: (lit. 'the passing by'). He recounts all important places in the environs of the longhouse.
7. leman peta: this sets out the various prohibitions to be observed at a feast.
8. bangkai: here words are addressed to the chicken which is to be sacrificed.
9. nginjau jari: (lit. 'the borrowing of hands') asking for the spiritual as sistance of former great head-hunters (tua') and the Buah Kana.
10. leman pelelat: here the chanter calls for all kinds of favours, e. g. the fruitfulness of the earth, crops. etc.
11. mimpi: the bad dreams of the bride and groom are exorcized.
12. ayu: the chanter asks for his soul and that of the married couple to be strengthened.
These then are the main items which Dunselman has published on the Elualang and which, I maintain, should receive more attention from students of the Iban. For too long the political boundary between Malaysian and Indonesian Borneo, but more particularly the fact that much
of the Kalimantan material is in Dutch, has discouraged scholars who have worked among peoples in the northern third of the island from using data from the south, and from viewing Borneo as a whole. Admittedly there are vast gaps in Kalimantan ethnography since very
little recent anthropological fieldwork has been undertaken there. However, this should not lead us to neglect what material is available on Kalimantan peoples.
I hope t h is brief paper has illustrated that some data in Dutch is of value provided English-speaking scholars are prepared to widen their horizons and make use of it. The fact that many of the peoples in Sarawak, and indeed Sabah, have close relatives to the south of the border should, I hope, lead to a greater emphasis on Kalimantan studies in future.
NOTES
1. My original estimates of 10,000-11,000 now seem mduly high (1974: 32 ; 1975b : 1241).
2. See A.B. Hudson (1371:304, 306) for the term 'Ibanic', although it must be mentioned that from the point of view of historical precedent and indigenous ethnic identification the term
'Ibanic' may well meet with certain objections.
3. See also Cnthoven (1903: 397), Bournan (1923-24: I 285-9; 1924: 184-9) and van Naerssen (1951-52: 145)
4. In the 1950s Kualang numbered about 8,000 souls. Nany had come under Catholic influence. See also Dunselman (1351a: 22-31 ; 1951b : 71-5).
5. References to Kling and h i s group (which includes Kurnang, Lulong, Laja, Pungga, Dara Lantan Sakumbang, etc.) crop up i n a number of publications on Sarawak Iban oral tradition. See, for example, Harrisson (1965 : 25) , Harrisson and Sandin (1966:64, 74, 86-7, 118, 138, 151-2, 181-2, 205, 218, 226-8, 239-40, 262) and Sandin (1967:245, 257-8, 264-5, 267-8, 373, 383, 392-3, 395; 1977:35-6, 147, 186-8). More especially see Perham and Brooke Law in Ling Roth (1965: 311-38) , and Dunn (1912: 135-54, 634-48; 1913:22-39 ; 1914 :494-528, 373-913; 1915-16: 332-57, 817-43).
6. This is Dunselman's transcription.
7. 'Lawai' is said to be an old name for the Kapuas river. Occasionally their home is placed in the neighbourhood of Semitau. In Tampun Juah Mualang learned their customs, laws and rituals and the appropriate offerings to Petara. Puyang Gana, Sengalang Burung, and other deities and spirits. It is said that the souls of dead shamans go to Rabung, a mountain in the upper Yetungau. Ordinary men ' s souls , however, eventually dissolve into dew and are absorbed by
the ears of rice (Jestenenk 1897 : 310). The creator was Petara (Batara) Guru, who made man from a kumpang tree. See Bouman (1923-4:285-9) on the myths of Pulang/Puyang/Piang Gana and Bui Nasi collected from the Desa, Seberuang, Sekubang, and Sekajanm peoples in the Sepauk river to the south of the Mualang. Also see Heynen (1937:24-8) for similar myths from the Ketungau. There is also a story of the division of peoples at Tampun Juah after the eating of mushrooms. The mushrooms induced a drunken stupour and when everyone woke up they found that they spoke different languages (cf. Iban). Kuhr talks of Hindu-Javanese-derived dei ties among the West Borneo Dayaks (1896:226-8). These include Petara (Batara), Duwata/ Jubata/Lebata/Rebata (Dewata) and Sengiang (Sang Yang). In the Kana Sera there are also references to the enemies of the Mualang. The Bui are said to be related to the Iban, and to live on a tributary of the Batang Lupar. Other enemies are the Desa (near Sintang), Remm (along the Sekayam river), Bugau (the Ke tungau), I.lentakai/Entakai (north-east of Sanggau) and the Iban. Alliances were also made with the Ketungau peoples against the Iban. Mualang had Embaloh and Pman slaves as well, captured in raidsn.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ave. J . B 1977 Revier of The Iban and their Religion, by Erik Jensen, Bijdragen tot de Taal- , Landen Volkenkunde 133: 382-6.
Bouman, M.A. 1923-24 Een Dajaksch Scheppingsverhaal, Mederlandsch-Indie Oud en Nieuw 8:285-9.
______ 1924 Ethnografische Aanteekeningen omtrent de Gouvernements landen in de boven-Kapoeas , Westerafdeeling van Eorneo, ~ Tijdschri ft voor Indische Taal- , Land-en Volkenkunde 64: 173: 95.
Cense, A.A. and E.M. Uhlenbeck 1958 Critical Survey of Studies on the Languages of Borneo, koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde, Bibliographical Series 2, The Hague, Plartinus Nijhoff.
Dunn, E.1912/1913/1914/1915-16 The Mengap Bungai Taun, the 'Chant of the Flowers of the Year'. Anthro os 7:135-54; 634-48; 8:22-39; 9:494-ms+
7. Problems. First, with respect to the name mukah, of
the town and river of coastal Third Division, Sarawak,
there is at least one published explication of that name.
The author claims that some sailors followed the face (muka)
of a beautiful woman in the sky to the shore; and that
"Over the years the spelling has changed to Mukah" (Shamsuddin
1967:8). Archer, however, claims that the pronunciation
is mukah, rather than muka (1949:100), and is corroborated
by Druce who would have to be considered an authorit
on this point, as a native speaker of Malanaw (1949:103).
While Richards may be right that these are " . . . obvious
meanings that are evidently false (~ukah, fornication or
Muka, face) probably from being interpreted in the wrong
language" (1978:26), such cannot be assumed a rlorl, but
needs to be established ethnographically, ana b u r c e
language determtned if possible. Assessing the ethnographic
validity of mukah could prove to be a sensitive
matter.
Second, with respect to unexplained or undiscovered names.
the toponymist is in a special kind of predicament. If
the informant or informants one asks about a place name
cannot explicate it or do not know it at all, to whom does
one turn? Unlike many other kinds of social and cultural
information, particular toponymic data may not be widely
shared by members of a social group. It seems that some in a strange landscape.
There is no way to disprove the contention that a landscape
feature is unnamed other than to discover a place'name for
it. One is more likely to succeed in more densely populated
areas where larger numbers of individuals routinely have
opportunities and needs to refer to places in the environment
by use of a terminological label. Thus collecting
place names in sparsely populated or unpopulated areas will
often prove a difficult task, However, it seems somewhat
rash to conclude that a place has no name, unless it is only
meant that one is unable to discover it. There is no way to
distinguish between a place that 2s unnamed and a place for
which one is unable to discover the name. Unless one is
able to discover a name, no conclusion can be reached that
a place is either unnamed or named. This conclusion is
valid because of the following two possibilities. First, a
name may be known, but the cultural tradition attaching it
to a particular location in the environment may have become
lost. This situation would appear to pertain in the case of
Ptolemaic place names for Southeast Asian geographical features
(cf. Wheatley 1961:138-176). Second, both the name
and the cultural tradition locating the place it applied to
may have become lost. One would expect that this is the case
with large numbers of perfectly ordinary Sru place names
(cf. Harrisson 1949).
These points are raised because of the experience of this
writer trying to collect place names in Brunei. Both Kadayan
and Lun Bawang (in Brunei Malay, 'Murut') informants maintained
that names were widely applied to locations in the
environment. For example along one stretch of the Labu river
about 1 314 miles, or 3 kilometers, long near a village, 55
toponyms and 43 place names were recorded including synonymous
forms. (The difference made here between a toponym and
a place name is the :allowing. In cases of forms like b u k i t
t a p a l l a n , 'Hive Hill, and sugay t a p a g a n , 'Hive River,' two
toponyms are counted, but only one place name - t a p a g a n ;
Maxwell 1977.) Numerous individuals often commented that
indeed there were many names of local places. Of course
there were spots which were unnamed, but as indicated earlier
it would be difficult to determine the difference between one
or more informants not being aware of an already existing
name for a location versus there being no existing name for
that location.
8. Things-May-Be-Other-Than-They-Seem. The lesson of
Richards' embuas example probably cannot be overstated. In
the headwaters of the Labu River there is a river, a hill.
and a pool all sharing a single place n'ame: sugay sarumah,
b u k i t sarumah, and luaqan sarumah, ~&le superficially
sarumah might look like 'one house' (ignoring that such a
form properly should take a grammatical classifier, e:g.,
sabuah rumah), such is not the case. The name is derlved
locally from the presence of a large number of trees of the
variety referred to as kayu sarumah or kayu sarumahsarumah.
Comparing informant description of this tree with that of
Burkill, this is likely the latter's Fa raea i antea (1966
s .v. ) . This and Richard's example il&e%kT&iger of
facile conclusions about place names. In addition, the forr
sarumah is not morphosemantically decomposable, being a
unitary simple lexeme (cf. 6., above).
Place names inscribe cultural and social information onto
the landscape (Geertz 1973). These 'inscriptions' however
are not static. They undergo phonological, morphological,
lexical and semantic remodeling as the cultures and languagc
of the inhabitants of the area change. Place names can be
helpful in disambiguating the complex overlapping of lingui.
stic and social variables in the cultural 'prehistory' of a1
area. Further they constitute an excellent source of data
to be utilized in ascertaining and delimiting the complex oj
meaning relations which are important in the everyday life (
human beings in a region. While I disagree with Richards 01
several points, his interest in bringing the importance of
place names in understanding human settings in Borneo to om
attention is commendable.
(Note: Research in Brunei was supported by National Institute
of Health Grant 1 TOL MK 11,231-01, and Wenner-Gren
Foundation for Anthropological Research Pre-Doctoral Fellowship
No. 2173, and locally by the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka,
Brunei. )
B i b l i o g r a p h y : Archer, J.B.. 1949. "Melanau as it is spoken
(a review) . Sarawak Museum Journai 5 : 1 (n . s . ) : 98-102 ; ~urkil
I.H., 1966, 4 Dietio-f the Zconomic Products of the Ma1
Peninsula, 2,vols., 2nd edition, Kuala Lumpur, Ministry of
Agriculture and Cooperatives; COD, 1966, The Concise Oxford
Dictionary of Current English, ed. by H.W. Fowler and F.G.
Fowler. Fifth edition revised by E. McIntosh. Oxford,
Clarendon Press; Druce, Austin, 1949, "A Malanau comment on
the Above!' LJ.B. Archer, "Melanau as it is spoken (a review1 1973, he Interpretation of Culture, pp. 3-30, New York,
Basic Books, Inc.; Harrisson. Tom. 1949. "The Srus and Four
Stone ~igures from Sarawak," . ~ulletin ok the Raffles Museum,
Series B. No. 4, pp. 117-122; Hasan bin Pulcul and P.S. Ashton, 1
n.d., A Checklist of Brunei Trees, Brunei; Maxwell, Allen R.,
1977, "~adayan (ethno) toponymy as ethnohistory," Paper 1
presented at the 76th Annual Meeting of the American Anthro- +
pological Association, Houston; Richards, A.J.N.. 1978, "A I
Note-on Borneo Place Names, " ~orneo ~esearch ~ulletin 10.1 :
24-27; Sahlins, Marshall, 1976, Culture and Practical Reason,
Chicago, The University of Chicago Press; Shamsuddin, A.K.
1967, "Mukah." in Anon.. How Thev Were Named. Kuchine. I
~orneo~ iteriture~ ureau.U P. 1 - 6.. Wheatlev. '~aul.1 361. I
The Golden Khersonese, ~tuhies in-the ~istorical Geography of
The Malay Peninsula betore A,D. 1500, Kuala Lumpur. University
of Malava Press: Wolters., O-~. W. 19~b,/ . Earlv I~n- donesian Commerce. ~
~thaca,'~.,~ .co rnell University Press. '
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